| Media
Release: Timor-Leste: What price for a glass of water in the desert?
The protracted dispute between Australia and East Timor over oil
and gas deposits in the Timor Sea is an issue of national and international
significance. Reports this week that a so-called ‘creative
solution’ is imminent between the respective Governmental
negotiating parties is reason for concern. Australia’s reputation
and the livelihoods of the East Timorese are at stake.
Much has been made of the supposed difficulties in determining
maritime boundaries between Australia and East Timor. Australia’s
Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, would have us believe that a
decision on sea boundaries should be deferred indefinitely given
the complexities involved. Nonsense. The obstacle to establishing
a maritime boundary with Timor is not Australia’s existing
boundaries with Indonesia or contractual intricacies, but rather,
the Australian governments “when it suits” mentality.
Let’s get a few facts straight.
First, the current maritime boundary that notionally exists between
Australia and East Timor is based on a seabed boundary treaty that
was signed by Australia and Indonesia in 1972. Portugal, then colonial
ruler of East Timor, refused to acknowledge the boundaries and the
‘Timor Gap’ resulted. Between 1975 and 1999 Indonesia
was an illegitimate occupier of East Timor. As such, contracts exchanged
between Australia and Indonesia in relation to the exploration and
exploitation of resources in the now disputed waters should be declared
non-binding. Having achieved independence in 2002, East Timor has
a right to self-determination, including the right to establish
maritime boundaries with neighbouring countries.
Second, the Exclusive Economic Zone of a country refers to the
area of water that extends up to 200 nautical miles from the shore.
Countries have a right to explore and exploit the resources in an
under this water. If neighbouring countries EEZ overlap, meaning
they are less than 400 miles apart, a median line approach is usually
used to determine the maritime boundary. The Median Line Principle
was established in the 1982 United Nations Convention on Law of
the Sea. The MLP is the favoured process within the international
community for establishing sea boundaries in disputed waters.
Third, despite appeals from East Timor, Australia refuses to acknowledge
the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice and the International
Tribunal on the Law of the Sea. These the two independent bodies
are used to arbitrate maritime boundary disputes.
Fourth, since 1999 Australia has unilaterally exploited natural
resources in contested waters. Under the MLP, it is probable that
in addition to other sites, the oil and gas fields of Laminaria/Corallina,
Bayu Undan and Greater Sunrise fall within East Timor’s EEZ.
East Timor has already been short-changed in relation to Laminaria/Corallina
and Bayu Undan given Australia’s acceptance of royalties from
these resource rich areas. Furthermore, if Australia and Timor agree
to an 80-20 split in revenue from the yet to be developed Greater
Sunrise site as has been suggested, tens of billions of dollars
in royalties rightfully belonging to one of the world’s poorest
nations will be lost to East Timor and claimed by Australia.
Finally, negotiations are not taking place on a level playing field.
Inadequate medical facilities, poor nutrition standards and low
levels of personal income, literacy and school attendance are, among
many other pressing social problems, retarding the development of
East Timor. Thus, their willingness to defer a decision on maritime
boundaries and accept a compromised position on revenue splitting
arrangements stems for a desperate need for capital. The price one
is prepared to pay for glass of water when in the desert is obviously
different to the one paid when they are not.
East Timor is not requesting a handout. They are not calling for
Australian generosity. Rather, they seek their legal entitlements.
Australia has, therefore, a number of moral obligations. The exploitation
and exploration of oil and gas resources in contested waters must
stop. Royalties received from disputed territories should be placed
in trust. And, Australia must resubmit to the jurisdiction of the
ICJ and ITLS.
Shaun Cannon is Executive Officer of the Melbourne Catholic
Commission for Justice, Development and Peace and a member on the
Timor Sea Non-Government Organisation Working Group. |